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http://www1.iraqwar.ru/iraq-read_art...=21801&lang=en
No uranium, no munitions, no missiles, no programmes 05 October 2003 As the first progress report from the Iraq Survey Group is released, Cambridge WMD expert Dr Glen Rangwala finds that even the diluted claims made for Saddam Hussein's arsenal don't stand up Last week's progress report by American and British weapons inspectors in Iraq has failed to supply evidence for the vast majority of the claims made on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction by their governments before the war. David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group (ISG), told congressional committees in Washington that no official orders or plans could be found to back up the allegation that a nuclear programme remained active after 1991. Aluminium tubes have not been used for the enrichment of uranium, in contrast to US Secretary of State Colin Powell's lengthy exposition to the UN Security Council in February. No suspicious activities or residues have been found at the seven sites within Iraq described in the Prime Minister's dossier from September 2002. The ISG even casts serious doubt on President Bush's much-trumpeted claim that US forces had found three mobile biological laboratories after the war: "technical limitations" would prevent the trailers from being ideally suited to biological weapons production, it records. In other words, they were for something else. There have certainly been no signs of imported uranium, or even battlefield munitions ready to fire within 45 minutes. Most significantly, the claim to Parliament on the eve of conflict by Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, that "we know that this man [Saddam Hussein] has got ... chemical weapons, biological weapons, viruses, bacilli and ... 10,000 litres of anthrax" has yet to find a single piece of supportive evidence. Those who staked their career on the existence in Iraq of at least chemical and biological weapons programmes have latched on to three claims in the progress report. First, there is the allegation that a biologist had a "collection of reference strains" at his home, including "a vial of live C botulinum Okra B from which a biological agent can be produced". Mr Straw claimed the morning after the report's release that this agent was "15,000 times more toxic than the nerve agent VX". That is wrong: botulinum type A is one of the most poisonous substances known, and was developed in weaponised form by Iraq before 1991. However, type B - the form found at the biologist's home - is less lethal. Even then, it would require an extensive process of fermentation, the growing of the bug, the extraction of the toxin and the weaponisation of the toxin before it could cause harm. That process would take weeks, if not longer, but the ISG reported no sign of any of these activities. Botulinum type B could also be used for making an antidote to common botulinum poisoning. That is one of the reasons why many military laboratories around the world keep reference strains of C botulinum Okra B. The UK keeps such substances, for example, and calls them "seed banks". Second, a large part of the ISG report is taken up with assertions that Iraq had been acquiring designs and under- taking research programmes for missiles with a range that exceeded the UN limit of 150km. The evidence here is more detailed than in the rest of the report. However, it does not demonstrate that Iraq was violating the terms of any Security Council resolution. The prohibition on Iraq acquiring technology relating to chemical, biological or nuclear weapons was absolute: no agents, no sub-systems and no research or support facilities. By contrast, Iraq was simply prohibited from actually having longer-range missiles, together with "major parts, and repair and production facilities". The ISG does not claim proof that Iraq had any such missiles or facilities, just the knowledge to produce them in future. Indeed, it would have been entirely lawful for Iraq to develop such systems if the restrictions implemented in 1991 were lifted, while it would never have been legitimate for it to re-develop WMD. Third, one sentence within the report has been much quoted: Iraq had "a clandestine network of laboratories and safe houses within the Iraqi intelligence service that contained equipment subject to UN monitoring and suitable for continuing CBW research". Note what that sentence does not say: these facilities were suitable for chemical and biological weapons research (as almost any modern lab would be), not that they had engaged in such research. The reference to UN monitoring is also spurious: under the terms of UN resolutions, all of Iraq's chemical and biological facilities are subject to monitoring. So all this tells us is that Iraq had modern laboratories. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/...p?story=450121 Source: Dr Glen Rangwala The Independent |
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they have found tons of munitions.
"Michael Petukhov" wrote in message om... http://www1.iraqwar.ru/iraq-read_art...=21801&lang=en No uranium, no munitions, no missiles, no programmes 05 October 2003 As the first progress report from the Iraq Survey Group is released, Cambridge WMD expert Dr Glen Rangwala finds that even the diluted claims made for Saddam Hussein's arsenal don't stand up Last week's progress report by American and British weapons inspectors in Iraq has failed to supply evidence for the vast majority of the claims made on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction by their governments before the war. David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group (ISG), told congressional committees in Washington that no official orders or plans could be found to back up the allegation that a nuclear programme remained active after 1991. Aluminium tubes have not been used for the enrichment of uranium, in contrast to US Secretary of State Colin Powell's lengthy exposition to the UN Security Council in February. No suspicious activities or residues have been found at the seven sites within Iraq described in the Prime Minister's dossier from September 2002. The ISG even casts serious doubt on President Bush's much-trumpeted claim that US forces had found three mobile biological laboratories after the war: "technical limitations" would prevent the trailers from being ideally suited to biological weapons production, it records. In other words, they were for something else. There have certainly been no signs of imported uranium, or even battlefield munitions ready to fire within 45 minutes. Most significantly, the claim to Parliament on the eve of conflict by Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, that "we know that this man [Saddam Hussein] has got ... chemical weapons, biological weapons, viruses, bacilli and ... 10,000 litres of anthrax" has yet to find a single piece of supportive evidence. Those who staked their career on the existence in Iraq of at least chemical and biological weapons programmes have latched on to three claims in the progress report. First, there is the allegation that a biologist had a "collection of reference strains" at his home, including "a vial of live C botulinum Okra B from which a biological agent can be produced". Mr Straw claimed the morning after the report's release that this agent was "15,000 times more toxic than the nerve agent VX". That is wrong: botulinum type A is one of the most poisonous substances known, and was developed in weaponised form by Iraq before 1991. However, type B - the form found at the biologist's home - is less lethal. Even then, it would require an extensive process of fermentation, the growing of the bug, the extraction of the toxin and the weaponisation of the toxin before it could cause harm. That process would take weeks, if not longer, but the ISG reported no sign of any of these activities. Botulinum type B could also be used for making an antidote to common botulinum poisoning. That is one of the reasons why many military laboratories around the world keep reference strains of C botulinum Okra B. The UK keeps such substances, for example, and calls them "seed banks". Second, a large part of the ISG report is taken up with assertions that Iraq had been acquiring designs and under- taking research programmes for missiles with a range that exceeded the UN limit of 150km. The evidence here is more detailed than in the rest of the report. However, it does not demonstrate that Iraq was violating the terms of any Security Council resolution. The prohibition on Iraq acquiring technology relating to chemical, biological or nuclear weapons was absolute: no agents, no sub-systems and no research or support facilities. By contrast, Iraq was simply prohibited from actually having longer-range missiles, together with "major parts, and repair and production facilities". The ISG does not claim proof that Iraq had any such missiles or facilities, just the knowledge to produce them in future. Indeed, it would have been entirely lawful for Iraq to develop such systems if the restrictions implemented in 1991 were lifted, while it would never have been legitimate for it to re-develop WMD. Third, one sentence within the report has been much quoted: Iraq had "a clandestine network of laboratories and safe houses within the Iraqi intelligence service that contained equipment subject to UN monitoring and suitable for continuing CBW research". Note what that sentence does not say: these facilities were suitable for chemical and biological weapons research (as almost any modern lab would be), not that they had engaged in such research. The reference to UN monitoring is also spurious: under the terms of UN resolutions, all of Iraq's chemical and biological facilities are subject to monitoring. So all this tells us is that Iraq had modern laboratories. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/...p?story=450121 Source: Dr Glen Rangwala The Independent |
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Dav1936531 wrote:
From: (Michael Petukhov) No uranium, no munitions, no missiles, no programmes 05 October 2003 Also from the AP on 10-05-03 Kay Says Iraq Weapons May Still Be Found Similarly, if pigs grew wings, they might be able to fly. |
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Yes,Saddam turned out to be a really nice guy after all.And he is sorely
missed,right? "Michael Petukhov" skrev i melding om... http://www1.iraqwar.ru/iraq-read_art...=21801&lang=en No uranium, no munitions, no missiles, no programmes 05 October 2003 As the first progress report from the Iraq Survey Group is released, Cambridge WMD expert Dr Glen Rangwala finds that even the diluted claims made for Saddam Hussein's arsenal don't stand up Last week's progress report by American and British weapons inspectors in Iraq has failed to supply evidence for the vast majority of the claims made on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction by their governments before the war. David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group (ISG), told congressional committees in Washington that no official orders or plans could be found to back up the allegation that a nuclear programme remained active after 1991. Aluminium tubes have not been used for the enrichment of uranium, in contrast to US Secretary of State Colin Powell's lengthy exposition to the UN Security Council in February. No suspicious activities or residues have been found at the seven sites within Iraq described in the Prime Minister's dossier from September 2002. The ISG even casts serious doubt on President Bush's much-trumpeted claim that US forces had found three mobile biological laboratories after the war: "technical limitations" would prevent the trailers from being ideally suited to biological weapons production, it records. In other words, they were for something else. There have certainly been no signs of imported uranium, or even battlefield munitions ready to fire within 45 minutes. Most significantly, the claim to Parliament on the eve of conflict by Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, that "we know that this man [Saddam Hussein] has got ... chemical weapons, biological weapons, viruses, bacilli and ... 10,000 litres of anthrax" has yet to find a single piece of supportive evidence. Those who staked their career on the existence in Iraq of at least chemical and biological weapons programmes have latched on to three claims in the progress report. First, there is the allegation that a biologist had a "collection of reference strains" at his home, including "a vial of live C botulinum Okra B from which a biological agent can be produced". Mr Straw claimed the morning after the report's release that this agent was "15,000 times more toxic than the nerve agent VX". That is wrong: botulinum type A is one of the most poisonous substances known, and was developed in weaponised form by Iraq before 1991. However, type B - the form found at the biologist's home - is less lethal. Even then, it would require an extensive process of fermentation, the growing of the bug, the extraction of the toxin and the weaponisation of the toxin before it could cause harm. That process would take weeks, if not longer, but the ISG reported no sign of any of these activities. Botulinum type B could also be used for making an antidote to common botulinum poisoning. That is one of the reasons why many military laboratories around the world keep reference strains of C botulinum Okra B. The UK keeps such substances, for example, and calls them "seed banks". Second, a large part of the ISG report is taken up with assertions that Iraq had been acquiring designs and under- taking research programmes for missiles with a range that exceeded the UN limit of 150km. The evidence here is more detailed than in the rest of the report. However, it does not demonstrate that Iraq was violating the terms of any Security Council resolution. The prohibition on Iraq acquiring technology relating to chemical, biological or nuclear weapons was absolute: no agents, no sub-systems and no research or support facilities. By contrast, Iraq was simply prohibited from actually having longer-range missiles, together with "major parts, and repair and production facilities". The ISG does not claim proof that Iraq had any such missiles or facilities, just the knowledge to produce them in future. Indeed, it would have been entirely lawful for Iraq to develop such systems if the restrictions implemented in 1991 were lifted, while it would never have been legitimate for it to re-develop WMD. Third, one sentence within the report has been much quoted: Iraq had "a clandestine network of laboratories and safe houses within the Iraqi intelligence service that contained equipment subject to UN monitoring and suitable for continuing CBW research". Note what that sentence does not say: these facilities were suitable for chemical and biological weapons research (as almost any modern lab would be), not that they had engaged in such research. The reference to UN monitoring is also spurious: under the terms of UN resolutions, all of Iraq's chemical and biological facilities are subject to monitoring. So all this tells us is that Iraq had modern laboratories. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/...p?story=450121 Source: Dr Glen Rangwala The Independent |
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On Mon, 6 Oct 2003 08:42:34 +0200, "Peter Glasų" pgglaso @
broadpark.no wrote: Yes,Saddam turned out to be a really nice guy after all.And he is sorely missed,right? The thing that really ****es me off about the whole situation is not the result on Iraq, but the effect on Western democracy (and I include Russia here). SH was a total *******, We should have chased his sorry ass all the way to Baghdad in '91. I rejoice in his downfall and the impending day when he is torn limb from limb down the streets of Tikrit. But if this was a long-overdue war to depose SH, then why couldn't we be _honest_ about it and call it that ? Instead we've seen the unedifying spectacle of Bush blaming SH for the WTC attacks, and the majority of America believing it. Or Blair claiming that we're only 45 minutes from an Iraqi attack on the Tube. Now Bush isn't my prez, so I'll let someone else rant about him. But Blair has lied and cheated all around this issue, and has misled and twisted the parliament of _my_ country in a way that hasn't been seen since Charles I. There are no WMD. There were once, he wanted some more, but the fine work of UNSCOM and UNMOVIC kept his greedy little hands out of the cookie jar (despite some shameful behaviour by some European manufacturers and conniving governments). If any last remnant of these programs had survived, or some final struggle went on like Heisenberg's atomkeller, then it was by and large irrelevant. It was certainly no justification for this war. We (the larger coallition of Western states) should have waited. There was scope for ongoing inspection, if we really were concerned about an international risk of WMD attack. Against the argument of "We had to move in before the Summer heat", I'd ask why such moves couldn't have been put in train 6 months earlier, and also point out that it's now October and ground troops are still in there, after the worst of Summer. Waiting, and continuing the inspections, would have probably brought Germany on board as a supporter, if there was any real justification, and would have reduced the basis on which France and Russia could have continued to refuse. I think Blair probably does sincerely believe in the threat of Iraqi WMD. He is, after all, the Hughie Green of British sound-bite politics. But this has more to with him being so far up his own spin that he convinces himself to truly believe it. A UK president with such a capacity for genuine doublethink is truly frightening. -- Smert' spamionam |
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![]() "Fred J. McCall" wrote in message ... (Michael Petukhov) wrote: :First, there is the allegation that a biologist had a "collection of :reference strains" at his home, including "a vial of live C botulinum :Okra B from which a biological agent can be produced". :Botulinum type B could also be used for making an antidote to common :botulinum poisoning. That is one of the reasons why many military :laboratories around the world keep reference strains of C botulinum :Okra B. The UK keeps such substances, for example, and calls them :"seed banks". But when the US CDC sends such things to Iraq, your ilk trumpet the claim that we're sending them biological weapons stocks.... There's an interesting article the BBC published yesterday about David Kay The man spearheading the US hunt for banned weapons in Iraq. He said he is surprised attention has focused on what his Iraq Survey Group has not found, rather than on the things it has uncovered. He says his Iraq Survey Group has uncovered evidence of banned activities which the United Nations and pre-war intelligence had not known about, including 24 clandestine laboratories and four unreported missile programmes. He also insisted his report last week to US Congress was interim. "I know we're going to find remarkable things about Iraq's weapons programmes," he said. Keith |
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Not hardly, but that's not a good enough reason to go to war with every no-good
murderous ****head in the world. Imminent danger from Saddam would have been, but we can't even prove imminent, having spent over 6 months and billions of dollars looking. How long and how much will it take for you and your apologist buddies to admit that there was nothing there and stop making excuses for picking a fight? We behaved like international bullies, we've lost most of our allies and their respect, and we have precious little to show for our efforts other than growing casualty lists and an Iraqi oil infrastructure that's going to drain us dry trying to repair it. Even worse, it's going to make Halliburton rich because they're the ones who are going to end up with all that money we're going to be spending on it, and they didn't even have to bid on their contract, a little something that has its own distinctive outhouse type smell to it. George Z. Peter Glasų wrote: Yes,Saddam turned out to be a really nice guy after all.And he is sorely missed,right? "Michael Petukhov" skrev i melding om... http://www1.iraqwar.ru/iraq-read_art...=21801&lang=en No uranium, no munitions, no missiles, no programmes 05 October 2003 As the first progress report from the Iraq Survey Group is released, Cambridge WMD expert Dr Glen Rangwala finds that even the diluted claims made for Saddam Hussein's arsenal don't stand up Last week's progress report by American and British weapons inspectors in Iraq has failed to supply evidence for the vast majority of the claims made on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction by their governments before the war. David Kay, head of the Iraq Survey Group (ISG), told congressional committees in Washington that no official orders or plans could be found to back up the allegation that a nuclear programme remained active after 1991. Aluminium tubes have not been used for the enrichment of uranium, in contrast to US Secretary of State Colin Powell's lengthy exposition to the UN Security Council in February. No suspicious activities or residues have been found at the seven sites within Iraq described in the Prime Minister's dossier from September 2002. The ISG even casts serious doubt on President Bush's much-trumpeted claim that US forces had found three mobile biological laboratories after the war: "technical limitations" would prevent the trailers from being ideally suited to biological weapons production, it records. In other words, they were for something else. There have certainly been no signs of imported uranium, or even battlefield munitions ready to fire within 45 minutes. Most significantly, the claim to Parliament on the eve of conflict by Jack Straw, the Foreign Secretary, that "we know that this man [Saddam Hussein] has got ... chemical weapons, biological weapons, viruses, bacilli and ... 10,000 litres of anthrax" has yet to find a single piece of supportive evidence. Those who staked their career on the existence in Iraq of at least chemical and biological weapons programmes have latched on to three claims in the progress report. First, there is the allegation that a biologist had a "collection of reference strains" at his home, including "a vial of live C botulinum Okra B from which a biological agent can be produced". Mr Straw claimed the morning after the report's release that this agent was "15,000 times more toxic than the nerve agent VX". That is wrong: botulinum type A is one of the most poisonous substances known, and was developed in weaponised form by Iraq before 1991. However, type B - the form found at the biologist's home - is less lethal. Even then, it would require an extensive process of fermentation, the growing of the bug, the extraction of the toxin and the weaponisation of the toxin before it could cause harm. That process would take weeks, if not longer, but the ISG reported no sign of any of these activities. Botulinum type B could also be used for making an antidote to common botulinum poisoning. That is one of the reasons why many military laboratories around the world keep reference strains of C botulinum Okra B. The UK keeps such substances, for example, and calls them "seed banks". Second, a large part of the ISG report is taken up with assertions that Iraq had been acquiring designs and under- taking research programmes for missiles with a range that exceeded the UN limit of 150km. The evidence here is more detailed than in the rest of the report. However, it does not demonstrate that Iraq was violating the terms of any Security Council resolution. The prohibition on Iraq acquiring technology relating to chemical, biological or nuclear weapons was absolute: no agents, no sub-systems and no research or support facilities. By contrast, Iraq was simply prohibited from actually having longer-range missiles, together with "major parts, and repair and production facilities". The ISG does not claim proof that Iraq had any such missiles or facilities, just the knowledge to produce them in future. Indeed, it would have been entirely lawful for Iraq to develop such systems if the restrictions implemented in 1991 were lifted, while it would never have been legitimate for it to re-develop WMD. Third, one sentence within the report has been much quoted: Iraq had "a clandestine network of laboratories and safe houses within the Iraqi intelligence service that contained equipment subject to UN monitoring and suitable for continuing CBW research". Note what that sentence does not say: these facilities were suitable for chemical and biological weapons research (as almost any modern lab would be), not that they had engaged in such research. The reference to UN monitoring is also spurious: under the terms of UN resolutions, all of Iraq's chemical and biological facilities are subject to monitoring. So all this tells us is that Iraq had modern laboratories. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/...p?story=450121 Source: Dr Glen Rangwala The Independent |
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Keith Willshaw wrote:
"Fred J. McCall" wrote in message ... (Michael Petukhov) wrote: First, there is the allegation that a biologist had a "collection of reference strains" at his home, including "a vial of live C botulinum Okra B from which a biological agent can be produced". Botulinum type B could also be used for making an antidote to common botulinum poisoning. That is one of the reasons why many military laboratories around the world keep reference strains of C botulinum Okra B. The UK keeps such substances, for example, and calls them :"seed banks". But when the US CDC sends such things to Iraq, your ilk trumpet the claim that we're sending them biological weapons stocks.... There's an interesting article the BBC published yesterday about David Kay The man spearheading the US hunt for banned weapons in Iraq. He said he is surprised attention has focused on what his Iraq Survey Group has not found, rather than on the things it has uncovered. He says his Iraq Survey Group has uncovered evidence of banned activities which the United Nations and pre-war intelligence had not known about, including 24 clandestine laboratories and four unreported missile programmes. He also insisted his report last week to US Congress was interim. "I know we're going to find remarkable things about Iraq's weapons programmes," he said. But, without the weapons that they're probably not going to find because they don't exist, how badly could those programs have injured anybody? Is that going to be the next empty rationale for assaulting a despicable government? George Z. Keith |
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